Communications over the world wide doesnt depend on sytax or eloquence or rethoric or articulation but on the emotional context in which the message is being heard.
People can only hear you when they are moving toward you and they are not likely to when your wordss are pursuing them
Even the choices words lose their powe when they are used to overpower.
Attitudes are the real figures of speech '-Friedman

Sunday, January 31, 2010

Tomas Eloy Martinez

Today has died a great icon of our culture , the journalism lost a great talent and thinker, Tomas Eloy Martinez leaving a great legacy .
He has created and managed newspapers media such as Primera Plana, Pagina 12, he was newspaper 's columnist of La Nacion (Argentina), El Pais (Spain), and New York Times .
He mixed in his performances , journalism with literature which make him one of the most important writers of the century.

Tomás Eloy Martínez
(born July 16, 1934 in Tucumán, died January 31, 2010 in Buenos Aires) was an Argentine journalist and writer. He obtained a degree in Spanish and Latin American literature from the Universidad Nacional de Tucumán, and an MA at the University of Paris.

From 1957 to 1961 he was a film critic in Buenos Aires for the La Nación newspaper, and he then was editor in chief (1962-69) of the magazine Primera Plana. From 1969 to 1970 he worked as a reporter in Paris. In 1970 he and many former writers of Primera Plana worked at the magazine Panorama, where Martínez was the director.

On 15 August 1972 he learned of the uprising of political prisoners in the jail at Rawson, Chubut Province. Panorama was the only publication in Buenos Aires that reported the correct story of the affair in Rawson, which differed significantly from the official version of the de facto Argentine government. On 22 August he was fired at the behest of the government, whereupon he went to Rawson and the neighboring city of Trelew where he reported the Massacre of Trelew in his book The Passion According to Trelew. The book was banned by the Argentine dictatorship.

For three years (1972-75) Martínez was in charge of the cultural supplement of La Nación, after which he lived in exile (1975-83) in Caracas, Venezuela, where he remained active as a journalist, founding the newspaper El Diario. In his book "The Memoirs of the General" he recounts that he was threatened by the "AAA", the Alianza Anticomunista Argentina , and on one occasion gunmen held a pistol to the head of his 3-year-old son because they were witnesses to a crime which Martinez believes was an operation of the "AAA". He subsequently started the newspaper Siglo 21 in Guadalajara, Mexico, and created the literary supplement Primer Plano for the newspaper Página/12 in Buenos Aires.

Martínez has also been a teacher and lecturer. He taught (1984-87) at the University of Maryland. In 1995, he took a position as distinguished professor and director of the Latin American Studies program at Rutgers University, New Jersey. He lives in nearby Highland Park, New Jersey. He also has a home in Buenos Aires. He writes columns for La Nación and the New York Times syndicate, and his articles have appeared in many newspapers and journals in Latin America.

He has published a number of books, one of which, Santa Evita, has been translated into 32 languages and published in 50 countries. He was awarded the Guggenheim and Woodrow Wilson scholarships and won the Alfaguara award for the novel Flight of the Queen for the year 2002. His works deal primarily (but not exclusively) with Argentina during and after the rule of Juan Perón and his wife, Eva Duarte de Perón (Evita)
He died in Buenos Aires on 31 January 2010 by cancer disease .He was 75 years old.
Main Publications:
  • Sacred (1969)
  • The Passion According to Trelew (1973, reissued in 1997)
  • The Perón Novel (1985)
  • La Mano del Amo (1991)
  • The Hand of the Master (1991)
  • Santa Evita (1995)
  • The Memoirs of the General (1996)
  • Common Place - Death (1998)
  • The Argentine Dream (1999)
  • True Fictions (2000)
  • The Flight of the Queen (2002)
  • Requiem for a Lost Country (2003)
  • The Lives of the General (2004)
  • The Tango Singer (2004) [3]
  • Purgatory (2008)

Tomas Eloy Martinez is one of the country's most widely translated and popular novelists and journalists.

His critically acclaimed books include The Peron Novel and Santa Evita--inventive works that play on the border between fact and fiction, truth and imagination. Forced into exile by death threats during the 1970s, Martinez brings a unique perspective to his ongoing exploration of Argentina's complex reality.

The Peron Novel and Santa Evita, both translated by Helen Lane, are available from Vintage Books (Random House). The Tango Singer will be published in 2005 by Bloomsbury.

Known for novels such as Santa Evita and The Perón Novel (La Novela de Perón) and winner of awards such as the 2003 Rodolfo Walsh Award for his career in journalism, and the 2002 Alfaguara Prize with El vuelo de la Reina (‘The Flight of the Queen’),

Tomás Eloy Martínez
was also one of eighteen authors who made it on to the judges’ list of contenders for the inaugural Man Booker International Prize in February 2005.
He rubbed shoulders with authors such as Gabriel García Márquez, Milan Kundera and Ian Mc Ewan.

One of the greatest Interviews :

By Ascen Arriazu in 2005

He still finds a window in his busy agenda as Head of the Latin American Studies Programme at Rutgers University in New Jersey, where he has been living for many years, to patiently answer my questions.

Born in Tucumán, Argentina, in 1934, Tomás confesses that story-telling is his passion. He would indeed like to be able to write poetry but after a few early and failed attempts he confines himself to weaving his poems from time to time into the fabric of his fiction.

A well-respected professor of the postgraduate programme, he mentions how lucky he feels to be able to teach what he loves: "I have delivered seminars that compare the theories of cinema and literary narrative," he says, "or about Borges as a realist writer, or about the first Crónicas de Indias (‘Indian Chronicles’)." He asserts that it would be difficult for him as well as for his students to understand Latin American culture without grasping those subjects first.

During his exile in Venezuela in the late seventies and early eighties, he experimented with the production of several screenplays. I ask him what he thinks about the man in the street being influenced by the treatment that filmmakers give to historical subjects, and he explains how "film and literature, when they are truly art, enrich the human being in a fuller way than plain and simple education do".

In the period between the publication of his two great novels about Evita and Perón, he wrote another novel, La Mano del Amo (The Hand of the Master), as he once mentioned, to leave the subject slightly aside and to avoid making one novel of the two. In La Mano del Amo, he talks about happiness, the search for it, death, family and the confrontation between power and artistic talent. He introduces a Muslim family, the Alamino, in the middle chapters as a representation of what was then for him "the best of the human condition, as opposed to the formality and stiffness of the Carmona family, the main characters".

The many immigrants from Syria and Lebanon to his province, Tucumán, at the beginning of the 20th century, were the source of inspiration for the Alamino, or Al Amein. But what in its moment was written with a positive message emphasizing Carmona’s prejudices, can be interpreted in a very different way today, in a society where violence and cultural and religious clashes spearhead the headlines of the international media.

"The malice would be on the side of the potential reader, then," he states, ‘not on the writer’s. A writer does not know what will be politically correct next year. If that were the case everything in literature should be changed alongside with the apparition of new ideologies. Good writers do not write books to flatter people’s good feelings."

One of his books, the third edition of La Pasión Según Trelew (Passion According to Trelew), in which he narrates the killing of sixteen guerrillas who tried to run away from Rawson Prison on 22nd August 1972 and the events following the massacre, was burnt by the military dictatorship in the square of Tercer Cuerpo del Ejército in the Argentinean city of Córdoba.

"At the time of the events I felt that if they burnt the book it was because it raised some fears between the dictators. That sheer bonfire justified my writing. I felt shame that that sort of disgraces could happen in my Country. Even today I wonder how many of us became accessories to those barbaric acts, and why."

Like many of us, Tomás wonders about the controversial question: How should Perón go down in History, as hero or as villain? He says that he wrote a novel in order to find out: The Perón Novel (La Novela de Perón), one of the most widely read books about the President. He researched the happenings of the time thoroughly, had the chance to meet its main character on several occasions during his exile in Caracas where, between 1966 and 1972, he could interview Perón many times. Despite all of his enquiries, even after the publication of a series of biographical articles that scholars and historians consider to be the memories closest to reality, he was, like many others, left with a big question mark:

I suggest he may be both, like every human being.

He explains how reflecting on the story-telling technique used in Facundo, by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, one of the biggest literature works in Argentina in the 19th century, I encouraged him to write the book in the way he did. In an interview with Jorge Halpering (Clarin, 3rd May 1998), Tomás Eloy Martínez explains how Facundo, by Sarmiento, written as a political pamphlet, was constructed with the shape of a novel but thought of as a political denunciation and still considered literature. "I had published some canonical memories in the Buenos Aires media," he explains, "which were accepted by all historians as the unmistakable truth. These were some memories that Perón had touched up, so that he could use them as business cards throughout History. What prevented me, as novelist, to build a storyline that would shed some light on what I understood by the truth about the character called Perón?"

He used to compare Argentina with the Sleeping Beauty: "A Country that needs to be woken up by the love of someone," he says. “An old Argentinean illusion is that, if it was great once (and it was, during the three first decades of the 20th century), there are no reasons why that should not happen again. That is a lost illusion, but there is still faith in it. I also have faith sometimes.”

"Argentina is the body of a woman that has been embalmed," he said to Miguel Wiñazki in Noticias, in 1995. And it is with this sentence that we think of the relationship between the Country and its immortal 'mother'. Argentina’s Sleeping Beauty was undoubtedly Eva, the main character of his novel Santa Evita, a story where the action focuses not so much on the person of Perón’s wife, but on the long pilgrimage that her body suffered after her demise.

It is in that fashion, admiring and criticizing, remembering and living the reality of his own Country, that the life of an exiled man goes by. Tomás lives outside of Argentina but within its spirit. In his interview with Jorge Halpering for Clarín, he said that he is not interested in politics in general, but in very particular aspects of it. His writing is convincing, real, critical and daring. He focuses on fiction, in his own version of reality. He offers us a fictional account, a novel in its literary sense, not a historical description of events. He emphasizes that "every reality is historical, but not every piece of history is real."

I ask him about what the limit is for the manipulation of the historical reality into fiction, and he shoots me back my own question, eruditely mentioning Tolstoy and Victor Hugo: "What historical reality are you talking about? I don’t think there is any historical manipulation in Tolstoy’s Napoleon in War and peace or in Victor Hugo’s in his Les Miserables, neither is there in the Julien Sorel [character in The Red and the Black] of Stendhal, who is based, as is well known, on a real person. Writing novels is the freest act of the human spirit and it is up to the reader to discern novels from history books."

The 2006 Buenos Aires Book Fair management have asked him to deliver the opening speech. This year’s slogan is precisely ‘Books make History’. I ask him for a foretaste of the speech, and although he is clear that he has not yet worked on it, he tells me: "I may say that books are like water: people may impose bolts and dikes on them, but they always succeed at making their way in. Adversity would seem to make them stronger. Even during the worst moments, ideas that later become words have gotten around censorship and gags to scream out the obvious truths and continue being incorruptible and unsubmissive, even when everybody around them shuts up, submits and falls into corruption. The most diverse arms to shut them up have been tried: they have been repressed with imprisonment, with traps, with the stake, with the false voluntary confessions like those of Galileo in front of the Inquisition and Isak Babel in front of Stalin; bribery has been attempted, as well as the seduction of prizes and honours, not to mention the hospice, death threats and exile, without ever succeeding to force those ideas turned into words, or verbs, to bury or tame their truths."

He leaves me with the aftertaste of his ideas and as I think his words over, he enjoys a few weeks in his native Argentina, where he hopes to get an update on the political and economical situation. He says that his Country suffers from huge structural poverty and endless mismanaged wealth, and I wonder whether his opinion will be the same when he returns from this visit, after a year’s absence.

In the meantime, I dive into the magic of the bleached hair of his Santa Evita, of the wonderful voice of his Carmona, of his own truths about an Argentina of revolutions, injustice, magnificence, passion and beauty, and I feel privileged to have shared in these moments of my own history, the ideas turned into words of one of the most important figures of the current Argentinean literary panorama.

Thursday, January 28, 2010

what is Ipad the magic tablet

Mr Jobs said the device would be used for browsing the web, sharing photos, reading eBooks and watching movies.

However, technology pundits were quick to ask how revolutionary the iPad really was, and more pertinently, who will want to buy one.

Respected blogger MG Siegler from TechCrunch said: 'Is it a must have? The quick and dirty answer is: for many people, right now, no.

'Unlike the iPhone, which filled an already well-established need, there is no existing need the iPad fills.'

Rhi Morgan at T3 magazine agreed. He said: 'I can’t see anybody who needs a laptop buying an iPad, and I can’t see people using it as a smartphone either.'

Apple will have a steep hill to climb with their tablet by trying to open what has been up till now a niche market. Microsoft's 2001 tablet failed to catch on and many analysts fear the iPad could run into the same problems.

What is more the operation of the iPad is virtually identical to the iPhone and iTouch.

Gene Munster from Piper Jaffray said: 'The gadget is a premium mobile device, not a computer; as such we see some iPod Touch buyers stepping up to the iPad, but consumers looking for an affordable portable computer will likely stick with the MacBook line up.'

At first glance, the iPad with its touchscreen looks like a bigger and more square version of the iTouch and iPhone, which has sold millions around the globe.

The WiFi version will go on sale worldwide in two months time, with the 3G version following a month later. Apple has not yet revealed their UK mobile carrier partners. The iPhone is currently available through O2, Orange and Vodaphone.

Prices will start at $499 (£308) in the US but British Apple fans will have to wait longer to find out the UK price - although it is likely to be far higher.

The iPad will have a Wi-Fi connection to the internet, while some higher spec versions will also link to the web via the 3G mobile phone network.

This will allow users to download video, music, books and newspapers while on the go rather than being tied down to Wi-Fi internet hot spots in the home or town centres.

Mr Jobs demonstrated the device with images of newspapers and books.

The company believes that, in future, people will read their magazines and newspapers on an iPad screen rather than traditional newsprint.

The device will go head to head with electronic book devices such as Amazon's Kindle and similar products from Sony and British firm Interead.

Each device would be able to download and carry around a virtual library of thousands of books.

The iPad connects to the internet via a wi-fi link to a home PC or the wi-fi hot spots found in town centres. A second higher spec version has the added benefit of connecting to the web via the mobile phone network.

There are three memory levels - 16gigabyte, 32gb or 64gb - under each of these two formats.

Users who want to connect to the web via the 3G mobile phone network will pay a monthly fee on a pay-as-you-go basis.

However, others have highlighted the similarity between the iPad and its predecessor the iPhone.

The iPad name has also raised some eyebrows amid complaints it was not as impressive as the iSlate or iTablet, which many people had speculated would be chosen.

Apple may also run into some problems with Fujitsu Ltd., who filed a trademark application for the name 'iPad' in 2003, according to the Web site of the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office.

Apple now has until February 28 to submit evidence to the Patent and Trademark Office that is it the rightful owner of the iPad name in the U.S. The company has already filed successful applications to hold the trademark in Canada, Europe and Hong Kong.

Mr Jobs, who appeared in his trademark jeans and black turtleneck, demonstrated the device live on stage, browsing YouTube, Google maps, its built-in iTunes store and even played Disney's Pixar's animated film Up.

Mr Jobs said: 'We want to kick of 2010 by introducing a magical and revolutionary product.

'It's so much more intimate than a laptop and so much more capable than a smart phone.

The device is half an inch thick, making it thinner than any netbook, and weighs 1.5pounds(680g) while the screen is 9.7inches across the diagonal.

Mr Jobs said: 'We've been able to achieve 10 hours of battery life. I can take a flight from San Francisco to Tokyo and watch video the whole time. And it has over a month of standby time.'

Mr Jobs said: 'We think we've got the goods. We think we've done it. Another thing we're excited about is that there's already 75m people who know how to use this because of how many iPhones and iPod touches we've shipped.

'It's very thin - you can change the homescreen to whatever you want. What this device does is extraordinary. You can browse the web with it. It's the best web experience you've ever had.'

In terms of software, the iPad has a built-in internet browser and iTunes store allowing the downloading of music, TV shows and blockbuster movies such as Star Trek or Up.

People will also be able to download any of the hundreds of applications developed for the iPhone and iTouch.

Conclusion: The magic tablet needs to multitask. And accept USB drives. No microSD cards. And that hasnt HDMI-out and it would at least come with a WebCam. This is probably missing feature that people find the most jarring. While it was expected the iPad to have more features, developed with its own processor, no intel inside,While the A4 is, no doubt, zippy, the iPad still lacks the ability to multitask, just like the iPhone. In fact the most accurate rumor ended up being the one from AppleInsider claiming that the tablet was going to basically work like a giant iPhone.

  • 'Magical and revolutionary product' bridges gap between laptop and mobiles
  • Prices start at $499 (£308) in the US for a 16GB version with WiFi
  • Powered by a 1GHz Apple A4 chip, and has 16GB to 64GB of flash storage
  • New device is half an inch thick, with 9.7in display and weighs 1.5lb
  • Ten hours of battery life if watched continuously and one month of standby charge
  • WiFi version available worldwide, including the UK, in 60 days with 3G following 30 days later
  • Apple could run into trademark problems with Fujitsu, who previously filed a claim to the name 'iPad'
  • 'Magical and revolutionary product' bridges gap between laptop and mobiles
  • Prices start at $499 (£308) in the US for a 16GB version with WiFi
  • Powered by a 1GHz Apple A4 chip, and has 16GB to 64GB of flash storage
  • New device is half an inch thick, with 9.7in display and weighs 1.5lb
  • Ten hours of battery life if watched continuously and one month of standby charge
  • WiFi version available worldwide, including the UK, in 60 days with 3G following 30 days later
  • Apple could run into trademark problems with Fujitsu, who previously filed a claim to the name 'iPad'
  • 'Magical and revolutionary product' bridges gap between laptop and mobiles
  • Prices start at $499 (£308) in the US for a 16GB version with WiFi
  • Powered by a 1GHz Apple A4 chip, and has 16GB to 64GB of flash storage
  • New device is half an inch thick, with 9.7in display and weighs 1.5lb
  • Ten hours of battery life if watched continuously and one month of standby charge
  • WiFi version available worldwide, including the UK, in 60 days with 3G following 30 days later
  • Apple could run into trademark problems with Fujitsu, who previously filed a claim to the name 'iPad'
  • 'Magical and revolutionary product' bridges gap between laptop and mobiles
  • Prices start at $499 (£308) in the US for a 16GB version with WiFi
  • Powered by a 1GHz Apple A4 chip, and has 16GB to 64GB of flash storage
  • New device is half an inch thick, with 9.7in display and weighs 1.5lb
  • Ten hours of battery life if watched continuously and one month of standby charge
  • WiFi version available worldwide, including the UK, in 60 days with 3G following 30 days later
  • Apple could run into trademark problems with Fujitsu, who previously filed a claim to the name 'iPad'
  • 'Magical and revolutionary product' bridges gap between laptop and mobiles
  • Prices start at $499 (£308) in the US for a 16GB version with WiFi
  • Powered by a 1GHz Apple A4 chip, and has 16GB to 64GB of flash storage
  • New device is half an inch thick, with 9.7in display and weighs 1.5lb
  • Ten hours of battery life if watched continuously and one month of standby charge
  • WiFi version available worldwide, including the UK, in 60 days with 3G following 30 days later
  • Apple could run into trademark problems with Fujitsu, who previously filed a claim to the name 'iPad'
  • 'Magical and revolutionary product' bridges gap between laptop and mobiles
  • Prices start at $499 (£308) in the US for a 16GB version with WiFi
  • Powered by a 1GHz Apple A4 chip, and has 16GB to 64GB of flash storage
  • New device is half an inch thick, with 9.7in display and weighs 1.5lb
  • Ten hours of battery life if watched continuously and one month of standby charge
  • WiFi version available worldwide, including the UK, in 60 days with 3G following 30 days later
  • Apple could run into trademark problems with Fujitsu, who previously filed a claim to the name 'iPad'
  • 'Magical and revolutionary product' bridges gap between laptop and mobiles
  • Prices start at $499 (£308) in the US for a 16GB version with WiFi
  • Powered by a 1GHz Apple A4 chip, and has 16GB to 64GB of flash storage
  • New device is half an inch thick, with 9.7in display and weighs 1.5lb
  • Ten hours of battery life if watched continuously and one month of standby charge
  • WiFi version available worldwide, including the UK, in 60 days with 3G following 30 days later
  • Apple could run into trademark problems with Fujitsu, who previously filed a claim to the name 'iPad'
  • Wednesday, January 27, 2010

    State of Union: by Paul Krugman

    The Conscience of a Liberal
    by Paul Krugman

    Same As He Ever Was

    These days quite a few people are frustrated with President Obama’s failure to challenge conservative ideology. The spending freeze — about which the best thing you can say in its favor is that it’s a transparently cynical PR stunt — has, for many, been the final straw: rhetorically, it’s a complete concession to Reaganism.

    But why should we be surprised? Here’s one from the vault. Two years ago, I was deeply frustrated with Obama’s apparent endorsement of the Reagan myth.

    There was a lot of delusion among progressives who convinced themselves, in the face of clear evidence to the contrary, that Obama was a strong champion of their values. He wasn’t and isn’t.

    That doesn’t mean that there’s no difference between the parties, that everything would have been the same if McCain had won. But progressives are in the process of losing a big chance to change the narrative, and that’s largely because they have a leader who never had any inclination to do so.

    The Curse Of The Supermajority

    Here’s how democracy works: political parties that make an effective appeal to voters get the right to govern and implement new policies.

    Here’s how the United States government works: political parties that make an effective appeal to voters get seated — but can’t govern unless they have 60 Senators.

    The past year has been a spectacular demonstration of the crippling effect of the filibuster on America’s ability to deal with, well, anything.

    Sen. Tom Udall is proposing a change in Senate rules, going back to the Constitution — which says nothing about supermajorities. Here’s his very good analysis, including a demonstration that the universal requirement for supermajorities isn’t, contrary to what you often hear, isn’t a long-standing tradition; it’s something that only developed recently, and mainly since Republicans found themselves in the minority.

    Tom Schaller argues that the supermajority gives American policy a center-right bias, since conservatives don’t want to do much. But didn’t Bush manage to do a lot? Yes, in a way. But the thing about Bush policies were that they were all buy-now-pay-later: unfunded tax cuts, unfunded expansion of Medicare, unfunded wars. Bush never demonstrated that it’s possible to govern America responsibly, because he never tried.

    Udall is right. We need to fix the Senate. Otherwise, we’re headed for full banana-republic status.

    Sunday, January 24, 2010

    Health Care Reform

    For 75 years, Democratic presidents and members of Congress have fought to create a comprehensive national system of health insurance; President Obama has made passing such a bill his central legislative priority. On Nov. 7, handing him a hard-fought victory, the House approved a sweeping overhaul of the nation's health care system by a vote of 220 to 215. The Senate passed an $871 billion bill on Dec. 24. But even as the House and Senate worked to reconcile their bills, the fate of the effort was put in jeopardy by an upset Republican victory in a special election to fill the Senate seat in Massachusetts held for decades by the late Senator Edward M. Kennedy. That outcome deprived the Democrats of the 60th vote needed to block a Republican filibuster, and threatened to change the political calculus for wavering supporters in both houses.

    The broad outlines of both bills hew relatively closely to the plans that emerged over the summer and fall from five Congressional committees, all in the face of all but unanimous Republican opposition. The bills would expand coverage by making more lower-income people eligible for Medicaid, and by offering subsidies to help moderate-income people buy insurance. They would forbid insurance companies from denying coverage of pre-existing conditions, and would create insurance exchanges -- new government-regulated marketplaces where individuals and small businesses could come together to buy coverage. The 160 million Americans who get their coverage through their employer would stay with that insurance. Nearly everyone would be required to get insurance or face a penalty, and businesses would be required to provide coverage or contribute to its cost. A detailed comparison of the plans can be found here.

    As negotiations in lieu of a formal conference committee began, House leaders agreed to drop a government-run insurance plan, the so-called public option, which the Senate bill had omitted. But other important differences remained, including provisions over abortion and taxes.

    Democrats have hailed the measures as a huge leap forward in both extending coverage to the tens of millions of Americans who currently lack it and in beginning the process of reining in spiraling heath care costs. Republicans have passionately denounced them as a giant expansion of government that will prove unaffordable and undermine the coverage of those who currently have it. They pointed to the election results in Massachusetts -- perhaps the most reliably Democratic state -- as proof that public opinion had turned against the health bills.


    The Democrats' desire for universal access to health insurance runs deep. President Franklin D. Roosevelt hoped to include some kind of national health insurance program in Social Security in 1935. President Harry S. Truman proposed a national health care program with an insurance fund into which everyone would pay. Since then, every Democratic president and several Republican presidents have wanted to provide affordable coverage to more Americans.

    President Bill Clinton offered the most ambitious proposal and suffered the most spectacular failure. Working for 10 months behind closed doors, Clinton aides wrote a 240,000-word bill. Scores of lobbyists picked it apart. Congressional Democrats took potshots at it. And Republicans used the specter of government-run health care to help them take control of Congress in the midterm elections of 1994.

    One of the most significant differences between 1993-94 and 2009 is that employers and business groups, alarmed at the soaring cost of health care, are now among the advocates for change.

    Insurance companies, which helped defeat the Clinton plan, began the year by saying they accept the need for change and want a seat at the table. As the bills developed, however, they became strong opponents of some Democratic proposals, especially to create a government-run insurance plan as an alternative to their offerings.

    In his 2010 budget, Mr. Obama gave an indication of the scope of his ambitions on health care reform when he asked Congress to set aside more than $600 billion as a down payment on efforts to remake the health care system over the next 10 years, partly by limiting the income tax deductions that the most affluent taxpayers claim.

    But after sending Congress his budget plan, Mr. Obama's White House, displaying a surprisingly light touch, encouraged Democrats in Congress to make the hard decisions. By the end of March 2009, the chairmen of five Congressional committees had reached a consensus on the main ingredients of legislation, and insurance industry representatives had made some major concessions. The chairmen, all Democrats, agreed that everyone must carry insurance and that employers should be required to help pay for it. They also agreed that the government should offer a public health insurance plan as an alternative to private insurance.


    Democrats worked on three separate paths to develop legislation in the summer of 2009. On June 14, House Democratic leaders introduced their bill, which in addition to a public plan included efforts to slow the pace of Medicare spending, a tax on high-income people and penalties for businesses that do not insure their workers. After a revolt by a conservative group of "Blue Dog'' Democrats that led to more exemptions for businesses, the plan was adopted by three committees without Republican support.

    In the Senate, the Health, Education, Labor and Pension committee worked on a bill with a public insurance plan, while the Senate Finance Committee, led by Senator Max Baucus, Democrat of Montana, worked on a bill that sought to avoid one, which Mr. Baucus thought was necessary to gain bipartisan support.

    On July 2, the Senate health committee put forward its bill. Under the proposal, employers with 25 or more workers would have to provide coverage or pay the government an annual fee of $750 for each full-time worker and $375 for each part-timer. The government would pay the start-up costs for the public insurance option as a loan to be repaid, and premiums would be set up so that the option was ultimately self-sufficient.

    The bill was passed July 15 by the health committee on a party-line vote of 13 to 10, with all Republicans opposing the package. Both Republicans and Democrats acknowledged that the health committee bill was just part of what would eventually be a single Senate measure.


    During the Congressional recess in August, the White House found itself suddenly at risk of losing control of the public debate over health care reform. As conservative protests mounted, the White House began playing defense in a way administration officials have not since the 2008 campaign.

    Democratic Party officials acknowledged that the growing intensity of the opposition to the president's health care plans -- plans likened on talk radio to something out of Hitler's Germany, lampooned by protesters at Congressional town-hall-style meetings and vilified in television commercials -- had caught them off guard.

    On Sept. 9, Mr. Obama confronted a critical Congress and a skeptical nation, decrying the "scare tactics" of his opponents and presenting his most forceful case yet for a sweeping health care overhaul that has eluded Washington for generations.

    When Mr. Obama said it was not true that the Democrats were proposing to provide health coverage to illegal immigrants, Representative Joe Wilson of South Carolina yelled back, "You lie!" Mr. Wilson apologized but his outburst led to a six-day national debate on civility and decorum, and the House formally rebuked him on Sept. 15.

    The president placed a price tag on the plan of about $900 billion over 10 years, which he said was "less than we have spent on the Iraq and Afghanistan wars." He also announced a new initiative to create pilot projects intended to curb medical malpractice lawsuits, a cause important to physicians and Republicans.


    Late that month, Mr. Baucus introduced his long-awaited plan. The bill closely resembled what Mr. Obama said he wanted, except that it did not include a new government insurance plan to compete with private insurers.

    Unlike the other bills, the Baucus plan would impose a new excise tax on insurance companies that sell high-end policies. The bill would not require employers to offer coverage. But employers with more than 50 workers would have to reimburse the government for some or all of the cost of subsidies provided to employees who buy insurance on their own.

    The bill got a significant boost when the Congressional Budget Office announced that despite its price tag, it would reduce the federal deficit by slowing the rate of health-care spending.

    On Oct. 13, the committee voted to approve the legislation. The vote was 14 to 9, with all Republicans opposed except for Senator Olympia J. Snowe of Maine. Two weeks later, Ms. Snowe's support was lost, when Mr. Reid, the majority leader, announced he would include a public option in the legislation he took to the Senate floor.


    Before Speaker Pelosi put the House bill to a vote, she had to broker a series of compromises that ultimately brought along just enough support from conservative Democrats to win passage. The biggest changes concerned the public option plan, which would have to negotiate rates just as private insurers do, rather than offering a rate set slightly above what Medicare pays; the plan would also confront strict controls on abortion. After heavy lobbying by Catholic bishops, the measure was amended to tighten restrictions on abortion coverage in subsidized plans bought through the insurance exchanges, to insure that no federal money was used to pay for an abortion. Both changes angered Ms. Pelosi's base of liberal Democrats, but they chose to support the bill nonetheless.

    Democrats say the House measure -- paid for through new fees and taxes, along with cuts in Medicare -- would extend coverage to 36 million people now without insurance while creating a government health insurance program. It would end insurance company practices like not covering pre-existing conditions or dropping people when they become ill. And despite its price tag, they pointed to an analysis by the Congressional Budget Office that said it would reduce the deficit over the next 10 years.

    In a sign of potential difficulties ahead, some centrist Democrats said they voted for the legislation so they could seek improvements in it in a conference with the Senate.


    By early November, the broad outlines of the bill Senator Reid would introduce on the Senate floor were clear -- it would include the public option that was part of the health committee's bill, but with an "opt out'' provision for states, and many of the taxes and fees written in to the Finance Committee's version.

    A lull in the action ensued as the Congressional Budget Office "scored'' the bill and Mr. Reid tinkered with it to hold down its cost and to appeal to conservative Democrats.

    Though broadly similar to the House bill, Mr. Reid's proposal differs in important ways. It would, for example, increase the Medicare payroll tax on high-income people and impose a new excise tax on high-cost "Cadillac health plans" offered by employers to their employees.

    Mr. Reid's bill would not go as far as the House bill in limiting access to abortion. And while he would require most Americans to obtain health insurance, he would impose less stringent penalties on people who did not comply.

    Both bills would create a voluntary federal program to provide long-term-care insurance and cash benefits to people with severe disabilities.

    The official cost analysis released by the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office showed that Mr. Reid's bill came in under the $900 billion goal suggested by Mr. Obama. But 24 million people would still be uninsured in 2019, the budget office said. About one-third of them would be illegal immigrants.

    The Congressional Budget Office has said the House bill would reduce deficits by $109 billion over 10 years and cover 36 million people, but still leave 18 million uninsured in 2019.


    As debate began, Mr. Reid began searching for changes that could pull together the 60 votes that would be needed to avoid a Republican filibuster. The Democratic caucus contains 60 members, including two independents, but one of those independents, Joseph I. Lieberman of Connecticut, said he would block a vote on any bill containing a public option. The support of several conservative Democrats, including Ben Nelson of Nebraska, Mary L. Landrieu of Louisiana and Blanche Lincoln of Arkansas, was also in considerable doubt.

    A group of five liberal and five conservative Democratic senators, who agreed on a plan that would sidetrack, but not kill, the idea of a government-run plan. Under the agreement, people ages 55 to 64 could "buy in" to Medicare. And a federal agency, the Office of Personnel Management, would negotiate with insurance companies to offer national health benefit plans, similar to those offered to federal employees, including members of Congress. If these private plans did not meet certain goals for making affordable coverage available to all Americans, Senate Democratic aides said, then the government itself would offer a new insurance plan, somewhat like the "public option" in the bill Mr. Reid had unveiled three weeks before.

    The Medicare expansion quickly died when Senator Lieberman announced his opposition, to the exasperation of liberals who pointed out that he had spoken in favor of the idea three months before.

    The last Democrat to come on board was Mr. Nelson, who won a series of changes: a provision to strip the insurance industry of its anti-trust exemption was dropped; language was added to allow states to decide to block plans covering abortion from their insurance exchanges; and the bill now provides Nebraska with additional Medicaid funds.

    Republicans vowed to use every parliamentary device at their disposal to slow the measure, which they said was being rammed through the Senate in an unseemly rush. But with Mr. Nelson on board, Mr. Reid's bill survived the first serious procedural hurdle by reaching the 60 vote mark needed to fend off a filibuster.


    When the roll for the final vote was called at 7:05 a.m. on Dec. 24, it was a solemn moment. Senators called out "aye" or "no." Senator Robert C. Byrd, the 92-year-old Democrat from West Virginia, deviated slightly from the protocol.

    "This is for my friend Ted Kennedy," Mr. Byrd said. "Aye!"

    The 60-to-39 party-line vote came on the 25th straight day of debate on the legislation.

    After a holiday break, House and Senate leaders began negotiations that took the place of a formal conference committee, the venue for reconciling differences between bills passed by the two chambers. President Obama took an active role in those talks, working to hammer out a compromise version of the Senate bill's excise tax on high-cost insurance plans, which had been opposed by unions. Even though tough issues like other tax measures and restrictions on abortions were yet to be hammered out, Democrats were hoping to secure final passage by the time Mr. Obama delivered his State of the Union speech on Jan. 25th.

    But the victory of Scott Brown, a previously little known Republican state senator, in the Massachusetts special election to fill Mr. Kennedy's seat, upset all calculations and left Democrats scrambling for approaches that might allow them to pass some version of the bill.

    source: New York Times

    Do the Right Thing By PAUL KRUGMAN

    A message to House Democrats: This is your moment of truth. You can do the right thing and pass the Senate health care bill. Or you can look for an easy way out, make excuses and fail the test of history

    Tuesday’s Republican victory in the Massachusetts special election means that Democrats can’t send a modified health care bill back to the Senate. That’s a shame because the bill that would have emerged from House-Senate negotiations would have been better than the bill the Senate has already passed. But the Senate bill is much, much better than nothing. And all that has to happen to make it law is for the House to pass the same bill, and send it to President Obama’s desk.

    Right now, Nancy Pelosi, the speaker of the House, says that she doesn’t have the votes to pass the Senate bill. But there is no good alternative.

    Some are urging Democrats to scale back their proposals in the hope of gaining Republican support. But anyone who thinks that would work must have spent the past year living on another planet.

    The fact is that the Senate bill is a centrist document, which moderate Republicans should find entirely acceptable. In fact, it’s very similar to the plan Mitt Romney introduced in Massachusetts just a few years ago. Yet it has faced lock-step opposition from the G.O.P., which is determined to prevent Democrats from achieving any successes. Why would this change now that Republicans think they’re on a roll?

    Alternatively, some call for breaking the health care plan into pieces so that the Senate can vote the popular pieces into law. But anyone who thinks that would work hasn’t paid attention to the actual policy issues.

    Think of health care reform as being like a three-legged stool. You would, rightly, ridicule anyone who proposed saving money by leaving off one or two of the legs. Well, those who propose doing only the popular pieces of health care reform deserve the same kind of ridicule. Reform won’t work unless all the essential pieces are in place.

    Suppose, for example, that Congress took the advice of those who want to ban insurance discrimination on the basis of medical history, and stopped there. What would happen next? The answer, as any health care economist will tell you, is that if Congress didn’t simultaneously require that healthy people buy insurance, there would be a “death spiral”: healthier Americans would choose not to buy insurance, leading to high premiums for those who remain, driving out more people, and so on.

    And if Congress tried to avoid the death spiral by requiring that healthy Americans buy insurance, it would have to offer financial aid to lower-income families to make that insurance affordable — aid at least as generous as that in the Senate bill. There just isn’t any way to do reform on a smaller scale.

    So reaching out to Republicans won’t work, and neither will trying to pass only the crowd-pleasing pieces of reform. What about the suggestion that Democrats use reconciliation — the Senate procedure for finalizing budget legislation, which bypasses the filibuster — to enact health reform?

    That’s a real option, which may become necessary (and could be used to improve the Senate bill after the fact). But reconciliation, which is basically limited to matters of taxing and spending, probably can’t be used to enact many important aspects of reform. In fact, it’s not even clear if it could be used to ban discrimination based on medical history.

    Finally, some Democrats want to just give up on the whole thing.

    That would be an act of utter political folly. It wouldn’t protect Democrats from charges that they voted for “socialist” health care — remember, both houses of Congress have already passed reform. All it would do is solidify the public perception of Democrats as hapless and ineffectual.

    And anyway, politics is supposed to be about achieving something more than your own re-election. America desperately needs health care reform; it would be a betrayal of trust if Democrats fold simply because they hope (wrongly) that this would slightly reduce their losses in the midterm elections.

    Now, part of Democrats’ problem since Tuesday’s special election has been that they have been waiting in vain for leadership from the White House, where Mr. Obama has conspicuously failed to rise to the occasion.

    But members of Congress, who were sent to Washington to serve the public, don’t have the right to hide behind the president’s passivity.

    Bear in mind that the horrors of health insurance — outrageous premiums, coverage denied to those who need it most and dropped when you actually get sick — will get only worse if reform fails, and insurance companies know that they’re off the hook. And voters will blame politicians who, when they had a chance to do something, made excuses instead.

    Ladies and gentlemen, the nation is waiting. Stop whining, and do what needs to be done.

    Source:New York Times

    Saturday, January 23, 2010

    Bill Clinton , MadonnaShakira - I'll Stand By You - Rehearsal Hope For Haiti Telethon (HDTV)

    Hope for Haiti benefit concert live stream 11 Madonna Like a prayer George Clooney Wyclef Jean Bono, Sting, Justin Timberlake, Christina Aguilera, Alicia Keys, Bruce Springsteen, Jennifer Hudson, Shakira...

    Friday, January 22, 2010

    HOLLYWOOD FOR HAITI:George Clooney to Host MTV Telethon for Haiti

    George Clooney to Host MTV Telethon for Haiti

    MTV Networks on Friday revealed details about the Haiti relief telethon it is mounting with actor George Clooney.

    The two-hour telethon to support the victims of this week's devastating earthquake will be called "Hope for Haiti."

    It will air Friday, Jan. 22, at 8 p.m. commercial-free across ABC, CBS, NBC, Fox, the CW, CNN, BET, HBO, MTV, VH1 and CMT.

    Internationally, it will be made available to MTV Networks International, CNN International and National Geographic channels worldwide.

    Hollywood is extending a helping hand to Haiti.

    Disney on Wednesday announced a $100,000 contribution for humanitarian aid to the earthquake-ravaged Caribbean island. The donation will be provided to the Red Cross International Fund to support relief efforts.

    "We at the Walt Disney Co. are deeply saddened by this tragedy and send our thoughts and prayers to the people of Haiti and their loved ones, which include our cast members and employees," Disney topper Bob Iger said.

    Viacom announced a $500,000 matching-gift program, with donations going to the Red Cross' disaster efforts.

    Elsewhere, film and television celebrities urged support for Haiti earthquake systems.
    Oprah Winfrey began her talk show Wednesday by asking viewers to donate to the Red Cross.

    "This is a time where we, as a global nation, should come together and support those who are in need," she said.

    In a Twitter post, Ben Stiller said, "People in Haiti need our help and attention right now." Others offering similar tweets included Paris Hilton, Lindsay Lohan and Adam Lambert.

    Singer Wyclef Jean arrived Wednesday in his native Haiti.

    "I cannot stress enough what a human disaster this is, and idle hands will only make this tragedy worse," he said. "The over 2 million people in Port-au-Prince tonight face catastrophe alone. We must act now."

    Blink-182 bassist-vocalist Mark Hoppus said a "wide spectrum of artists and people in the music industry ... are kind of joining together to help in whatever manner that they can."

    "Precious" director Lee Daniels said the earthquake makes Sunday's Golden Globes ceremony seem less important.

    "Ultimately, what we do is so un-newsworthy in comparison and so unimportant when you have things like this at hand," he said. " 'Precious' seems so unimportant when casualties like that happen."

    "Precious" is up for three Globes.

    Celebrities were invited to aid in Haitian relief by attending Platinum Publicity's Hollywood Helping Haiti Golden Globes Lounge. Organizers promised that donations would be made in honor of every celebrity who visited, and stars could contribute by autographing items to be auctioned to support Haitian relief.

    Coldplay singer Chris Martin urged people to donate to a Haiti appeal set up by the charity Oxfam.

    "I visited Haiti with Oxfam a few years ago; it's a country of extreme poverty and brutal living conditions," he said. "Most people in Port-au-Prince live in tin shacks. The earthquake that has struck Haiti will have turned the city into an unimaginable hell."

    "Hope for Haiti" will be hosted by the event's main driving force, Clooney, in Los Angeles, Wyclef Jean in New York City and CNN's Anderson Cooper in Haiti.

    The telethon will be broadcast from New York City and Los Angeles, and will feature musical performances and celebrity appearances, which will be announced later, as well as live news reports from CNN.

    "Hope for Haiti" will be produced by Joel Gallen, who also produced the "Tribute to Heroes" 9/11 telethon; Tenth Planet Prods., in collaboration with MTV Networks; and George Clooney.

    All proceeds will be split evenly among five relief organizations currently operating in Haiti: Oxfam America, Partners in Health, the Red Cross, UNICEF and Yele Haiti Foundation.

    Combative Obama pushes job creation bill He urges tax cuts for small businesses, defends bailouts at Ohio town hall

    ELYRIA, Ohio - A combative President Barack Obama exhorted Congress Friday to pass a new job-creation bill, taking a populist appeal to America's recession-racked Rust Belt in an effort to recapture the excitement of his campaign.

    Obama weaved us-against-them rhetoric into his appearances, telling a town hall audience that he "will never stop fighting" for an economy that works for the hard-working, not just those already well off.

    He said a jobs bill emerging in Congress must include tax breaks for small business hiring and for people trying to make their homes more energy efficient — two proposals he wasn't able to get into a bill the House passed last month. And he used the word "fight" or some variation of it over a dozen times. The House-passed $174 billion stimulus package faces a stern test in the Senate, in part because it is financed with deficit spending.

    With the town hall meeting as well as tours and impromptu visits the people, Obama's day had the feel of a day from his campaign. He grinned, bantered and joked his way through the day, followed by campaign videographers.

    After the upset win by Republican Scott Brown in a special Massachusetts Senate election this week — a victory spurred in large part by an anti-establishment sentiment — the White House was well aware that neither Obama's agenda nor the electoral prospects for fellow Democrats this fall can be taken for granted.

    So in his at the town hall meeting at Lorain County Community College near Cleveland, the president assailed Washington and Wall Street alike, hoping to connect with public's frustration and position himself as the solution — not the problem.

    He strongly defended unpopular actions he has taken to bail out banks and insurers and to rescue automakers from collapse. Such measures have not gone over well in many quarters, and have been derided as moves that expanded government intervention and swelled the deficit. The measures were seen as a helping hand for Wall Street while many on Main Street walked the unemployment lines.

    Obama said that propping up the financial industry was as much about regular Americans as wealthy bankers. "If the financial system had gone down, it would have taken the entire economy and millions more families and businesses with it," he argued.

    Similarly, allowing GM and Chrysler to go under might have satisfied calls to force businesses to reap the consequences of bad decisions.

    But he also said, "Hundreds of thousands of Americans would have been hurt, not just at those companies themselves, but at other auto companies and at their suppliers and dealers, here in Ohio, up in Michigan, and all across this country."

    Obama made a repeated point of criticizing Washington, too — saying that one can get a "pretty warped view of things" from inside the capital city, blasting special interest power and emphasizing repeatedly that he badly wanted to escape the confining nature of the White House.

    He sought to demonstrate understanding for the economic uncertainty that lingers in many American homes and businesses despite some improvements in the economy overall.

    "Folks have seen jobs you thought would last forever disappear. You've seen plants close and businesses shut down," Obama said. "I've heard about how the city government here is bare bones. And how you can't get to work or go buy groceries like you used to because of cuts in the county transit system."

    He promised to help. "I'll never stop fighting for you," he said. "I'll take my lumps, too."

    Visit for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy


    Lula will receive unprecedented award of 'global statesman

    Tribute will be offered by the World Economic Forum.
    Honor marks the 40th anniversary of the Forum in Davos.

    President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva will receive the award for overall state of the World Economic Forum in Davos (Switzerland) on 29. This is the first edition of the tribute, created to mark the 40th anniversary of the Forum.

    "The president of Brazil has shown real commitment to all areas of society," said founder and president of the World Economic Forum, Klaus Schwab said in a statement to The Associated Press.

    " He said this commitment is followed by hand in order to integrate economic growth and social justice. "President Lula is a role model for global leadership."

    The award will be made by former Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, and is scheduled for 11:30 am (local time, 8:30 GMT) on 29, when the Brazilian president will deliver a speech.
    Then will begin a panel discussion about Brazil.

    The goal is to discuss the current drivers of growth in the country and the challenges ahead.

    Among the panelists will be the Central Bank president, Henrique Meirelles, the co-president of the board Foods of Brazil, Luiz Fernando Furlan, the President of Instituto Ethos, Ricardo Young and Vice President of the Argentine Banco Hipotecario, Mario Blejer.

    Lula will also make the closing panel on Brazil.

    Sunday, January 17, 2010

    Intel Innovation in America

    Innovation in America

    Intel and Newsweek magazine conducted a survey that explores technology innovation and economic growth. This video illustrates innovation happening in America today -- from leading-edge microprocessor manufacturing to robotics research to the next generation of innovators competing in one of the world’s preeminent science fairs.

    Saturday, January 16, 2010

    Children: the most vulnerable after earthquake in Haiti

    Haití, considerado el país más pobre del continente, enfrenta hoy uno de sus mayores retos tras ser devastado por un terremoto que destruyó gran parte de su infraestructura y dejó cientos de miles de muertos y desaparecidos. Es sin duda una tragedia sin precedentes para una nación en la que el 80% de su población vive en la pobreza extrema y en la que el índice de mortalidad infantil es de 76 por cada mil nacimientos, la más alta de América.
    Tristemente, en emergencias como estas los niños siempre son los más vulnerables. Según reportes de nuestra organización aliada Save the Children, la destrucción de las viviendas obligó a las familias a quedar en la deriva, dejando a los niños en situación de vulnerabilidad y con altos riesgos de adquirir enfermedades. Han perdido la seguridad y el confort que le ofrecen las posesiones, las rutinas diarias y el contacto con amigos. Por su bienestar y recuperación, es imperativo que recuperen lo antes posible una rutina normal. ¡Es imperativo que todos contribuyamos para que esto suceda!
    Que esta catástrofe sirva para que gobiernos, organizaciones e individuos nos concienticemos sobre la dura realidad que Haití viene enfrentando y contribuyamos a su recuperación y desarrollo. Para que los niños de Haití tengan mejores oportunidades para su futuro.

    ALAS se solidariza con el pueblo Haitiano que hoy más que nunca necesita de la ayuda de todos. Para información sobre cómo ayudar ingresa a la página de Save the Children

    Children: the most vulnerable after earthquake in Haiti

    Haiti, considered the poorest country in the continent, faces today one of its biggest challenges after the great devastation caused by an earthquake that destroyed most of its infrastructure and left hundreds of thousands of casualties. This is, without question, a tragedy without precedents for a nation where 80% of its population lives in extreme poverty, and where the index of infant mortality is the highest in the hemisphere: 76 for every thousand births.
    During emergencies like this children are always the most vulnerable. As our partners of Save the Children reported, families whose homes were damaged or destroyed were forced into the open, leaving children vulnerable and at increased risk of disease. They are without security and comfort of possessions, daily routines and contact with friends. For their well being and recovery, it is imperative that they return to a normal routine as soon as possible. It is imperative that we all contribute to make this happen!
    May this catastrophe help raise awareness among governments, organizations and individuals about the tough reality Haiti has been facing throughout its history of poverty and misery and to contribute to its recovery and development; to contribute to better opportunities for the future of the children of Haiti.
    ALAS expresses its solidarity to the people of Haiti who need our help more than ever. For information about how to help, please visit Save the children at:

    This message was sent by: ALAS, Ave. Vicente Bonilla, Edificio 811, Ciudad del Saber, Panamá 0, Panama

    Thursday, January 14, 2010

    Call to help Haiti from Jon McLaughlin

    Island Records Call to help Haiti from Jon McLaughlin PLEASE go to WWW.UNICEFUSA.ORG and help the victims in Haiti.

    TERREMOTO EN HAITI: UNICEF necesita tu ayuda.

    TERREMOTO EN HAITI: UNICEF necesita tu ayuda.
    Muchas gracias por tomarte el tiempo de leer esto y aún muchas más si te decidís a colaborar. Lo que esta viviendo esta gente en Haití no se lo merece absolutamente nadie y si podemos dar una manito (por más mínima que sea), les vendrá seguramente muy bien. Manu...
    Muchas gracias por tomarte el tiempo de leer esto y aún muchas más si te decidís a colaborar. Lo que esta viviendo esta gente en Haití no se lo merece absolutamente nadie y si podemos dar una manito (por más mínima que sea), les vendrá seguramente muy bien.

    Manu Ginóbili

    Acá va la nota de UNICEF:

    Haití, uno de los países más pobres del mundo, aún no recuperado de una
    devastadora temporada de huracanes en 2008, ha vuelto a ser castigado por
    un desastre natural.

    Un terremoto de magnitud 7.3 ha dejado cientos de miles de víctimas, entre
    ellos muchas niñas, niños y adolescentes.

    UNICEF necesita tu apoyo para brindar asistencia a los niños y sus familias
    afectadas por esta situación.

    Si vivis en Argentina, podes colaborar con las víctimas de Haití, llamando
    al 0-810-333-4455 o accediendo al Sitio Seguro para Donaciones, haciendo
    click en el link

    · Con $50, ayudás con kit para atención médica que contiene vendas
    elásticas, paquetes de 100 compresas de gasa y rollos de cinta

    · Con $150, ayudás a 3 familias con un kit de agua e higiene que
    contiene baldes con tapa, tabletas purificadoras de agua, jabón y
    contenedores de agua

    · Con $300, ayudas a 30 niños con un kit escolar que contiene lápices,
    gomas, cuadernos de ejercicios, pizarras, tijeras y mochilas para los
    alumnos, y un kit con marcadores, afiches y material de pizarrón para
    un profesor.

    Podés ver más, haciendo click en el link:

    Coolest Innovations from CES 2010

    Wireless HDMI

    All the major TV makers seem to be in agreement that the public doesn’t want to plug things into their TVs, they want to send those signals wirelessly. Wireless HDMI has been showing up in products for a few years, but hopefully 2010 will be the year when the technology works as promised, cutting down on the cable clutter without sacrificing picture or sound quality.

    Another kind of wireless making its way to TVs this year is WiFi. More sets will allow wireless Internet connections, either through a built-in WiFi receiver or an optional USB dongle.

    Prediction: This will allow for simpler and more creative TV installation. Also, people in apartments with thin walls will figure out a way to hijack your TV signal as easily as they hijack your WiFi.


    TVs and other consumer electronics have received a bad reputation, particularly in California, as being energy hogs. Manufacturers have been listening and all showed TVs with considerably reduced power consumption. Most of those were in the form of LED LCD TVs, which naturally consume less energy, but even Panasonic showed more energy-efficient plasma TVs that met the new Energy Star 4.0 specification.

    Prediction: Energy efficiency has been a hot topic, but not one that gets consumers to spend more on an equivalent product. In order for consumers to actively seek energy efficient TVs, the products will have to be equivalent in performance and price, unless the government just mandates consumer choice out of the market. Next year Panasonic will introduce a plasma that runs off the energy output of a potato.

    Edge-Lit Dimming

    Edge-lit LED displays aren’t new this year, but for most of the big TV makers, it seems to be the dominate way to light up an LCD TV without using CCFL lighting. In most CES booths, the edge-lit LED sets were flagship models.

    Full-array backlit sets have the potential to create a better picture, especially with local dimming, but at least three of the makers have overcome that issue with local dimming technologies for edge-lit TVs.

    LG, Samsung and Sony all showed TVs that featured variations of this technology. Unfortunately, none of them had full details on how the technology worked or how many zones of dimming the sets had.

    Prediction: If local dimming on edge-lit sets works as promised, it will take over the LED LCD market, at least until something better comes up that can also compete on cost and design factors.

    Pencil Thin

    Last year the TV buzz was slanted toward thinner products. That continued this year with the smallest being an LED-based LCD TV from Samsung at only 0.3 inches thick, which is the thickness of a pencil.

    These ultra thin TVs, due to their lack of space for plugging in cables, naturally leads to the next innovation - wireless HDMI.

    Prediction: Home Depot will offer a new product: Liquid Nails for Flat Screen TVs.


    3D to the home finally appears to be on an unstoppable trajectory. With the finalization of the Blu-ray 3D spec and news of 3D content coming from DirecTV, ESPN, Discovery and others, 2010 is bound to be the year when people seriously consider putting on goofy glasses to watch TV at home. Panasonic, LG, Toshiba, Samsung, Sharp and Sony all showed a variety of 3D-capable TVs.

    Prediction: There will be more technical hurdles to come, issues the manufacturers hadn’t thought of, and marketing challenges in a time when consumers are hesitant to invest in new technology. Adoption will be slow and will remain in the early adopter market for several years.

    Major projector makers did not have any announcements for CES about 3D compatibility, but hopefully CEDIA Expo 2010 will change that. The Adult Entertainment Expo, which was held in Vegas simultaneously with CES, had no 3D announcements.

    Internet Apps

    We’ll see a lot more streaming content options on TVs in 2010. Sony, Toshiba, Panasonic, Philips, LG and others all showed connected TVs and Blu-ray players with more streaming content partners and better interfaces.

    Samsung even launched an App Store in which consumers can select from a large list of apps - some free, some for a charge. Consumers are getting accustomed to receiving more content from a greater variety of places, and the products of 2010 will allow that with greater ease.

    Prediction: Open platforms and ease of use will allow TV apps to proliferate. Cable companies will need to be innovative and aggressive to combat this threat.


    One of those IP apps is Skype. The ability to make free IP-based video calls from your couch to Skype users around the world may make some people cringe. On the other hand, imagine the excitement of a Skype Picture-in-Picture call with overseas friends while watching Olympic events on the main screen. Skype calling will require a Web camera with a microphone plugged into the television, which will be available as an accessory.

    Prediction: Video calls from the couch will reveal that many more people own Snuggies than ever imagined.

    More Color

    We’re not completely sure if this one is merely a gimmick or a truly ground-breaking innovation, but Sharp has introduced a fourth color, yellow, to the traditional red-blue-green pixel structure on some of it’s new televisions.

    Sharp is calling the technology QuadPixel and claims it can reproduce about a trillion colors. Sharp wants people to think of QuadPixel as as big a deal as 1080p or 120Hz. We’ll have to hold our judgment on that for now.

    Prediction: If QuadPixel really is as good as Sharp says, other manufacturers will devise their own ways of achieving the same thing. Also, Crayola will release a crayon box with one trillion colors which will have to be delivered with a fork lift.

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    Alan Boyle Science editor

    Alan Boyle Science editor
    As's science editor, Alan Boyle runs a virtual curiosity shop of the physical sciences and space exploration, plus paleontology, archaeology and other ologies that strike his fancy. Since joining in 1996, Boyle has won awards from the National Academies, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, the National Association of Science Writers, the Society of Professional Journalists, the Space Frontier Foundation, the Pirelli Relativity Challenge and the CMU Cybersecurity Journalism Awards program. He is the author of "The Case for Pluto," a contributor to "A Field Guide for Science Writers," the blogger behind Cosmic Log: Bacteria can walk on 'legs' — and an occasional talking head on the MSNBC cable channel. During his 33 years of daily journalism in Cincinnati, Spokane and Seattle, he’s survived a hurricane, a volcanic eruption, a total solar eclipse and an earthquake. He has faith he'll survive the Internet as well.

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