“Responsibility for our Common Future”Address to the United Nations General Assembly September 23, 2009

Remarks of President Barack Obama – As Prepared for Delivery
“Responsibility for our Common Future”
Address to the United Nations General Assembly
September 23, 2009
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentleman: it is my
honor to address you for the first time as the forty-fourth President of the United States. I
come before you humbled by the responsibility that the American people have placed
upon me; mindful of the enormous challenges of our moment in history; and determined
to act boldly and collectively on behalf of justice and prosperity at home and abroad.

I have been in office for just nine months, though some days it seems a lot longer. I am
well aware of the expectations that accompany my presidency around the world. These
expectations are not about me. Rather, they are rooted – I believe – in a discontent with a
status quo that has allowed us to be increasingly defined by our differences, and outpaced
by our problems. But they are also rooted in hope – the hope that real change is possible,
and the hope that America will be a leader in bringing about such change.
I took office at a time when many around the world had come to view America with
skepticism and distrust. Part of this was due to misperceptions and misinformation about
my country.

Part of this was due to opposition to specific policies, and a belief that on
certain critical issues, America has acted unilaterally, without regard for the interests of
others. This has fed an almost reflexive anti-Americanism, which too often has served as
an excuse for our collective inaction.
Like all of you, my responsibility is to act in the interest of my nation and my people, and
I will never apologize for defending those interests. But it is my deeply held belief that in
the year 2009 – more than at any point in human history – the interests of nations and
peoples are shared.
The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among people,
or tear us apart. The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever darken
it. The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it. What happens to the hope of a
single child – anywhere – can enrich our world, or impoverish it.
In this hall, we come from many places, but we share a common future. No longer do we
have the luxury of indulging our differences to the exclusion of the work that we must do
together. I have carried this message from London to Ankara; from Port of Spain to
Moscow; from Accra to Cairo; and it’s what I will speak about today. Because the time
has come for the world to move in a new direction. We must embrace a new era of
engagement based on mutual interests and mutual respect, and our work must begin now.
We know the future will be forged by deeds and not simply words. Speeches alone will
not solve our problems – it will take persistent action. So for those who question the
character and cause of my nation, I ask you to look at the concrete actions that we have
taken in just nine months.
On my first day in office, I prohibited – without exception or equivocation – the use of
torture by the United States of America. I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed,
and we are doing the hard work of forging a framework to combat extremism within the
rule of law. Every nation must know: America will live its values, and we will lead by
example.
We have set a clear and focused goal: to work with all members of this body to disrupt,
dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its extremist allies – a network that has killed
thousands of people of many faiths and nations, and that plotted to blow up this very
building. In Afghanistan and Pakistan, we – and many nations here – are helping those
governments develop the capacity to take the lead in this effort, while working to
advance opportunity and security for their people.
In Iraq, we are responsibly ending a war. We have removed American combat brigades
from Iraqi cities, and set a deadline of next August to remove all of our combat brigades
from Iraqi territory. And I have made clear that we will help Iraqis transition to full
responsibility for their future, and keep our commitment to remove all American troops
by the end of 2011.
I have outlined a comprehensive agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear
weapons. In Moscow, the United States and Russia announced that we would pursue
substantial reductions in our strategic warheads and launchers. At the Conference on
Disarmament, we agreed on a work plan to negotiate an end to the production of fissile
materials for nuclear weapons. And this week, my Secretary of State will become the first
senior American representative to the annual Members Conference of the Comprehensive
Test Ban Treaty.
Upon taking office, I appointed a Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, and America has
worked steadily and aggressively to advance the cause of two states – Israel and Palestine
– in which peace and security take root, and the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians
are respected.
To confront climate change, we have invested 80 billion dollars in clean energy. We have
substantially increased our fuel-efficiency standards. We have provided new incentives
for conservation, launched an energy partnership across the Americas, and moved from a
bystander to a leader in international climate negotiations.
To overcome an economic crisis that touches every corner of the world, we worked with
the G-20 nations to forge a coordinated international response of over two trillion dollars
in stimulus to bring the global economy back from the brink. We mobilized resources
that helped prevent the crisis from spreading further to developing countries. And we
joined with others to launch a $20 billion global food security initiative that will lend a
hand to those who need it most, and help them build their own capacity.
We have also re-engaged the United Nations. We have paid our bills. We have joined the
Human Rights Council. We have signed the Convention on the Rights of Persons with
Disabilities. We have fully embraced the Millennium Development Goals. And we
address our priorities here, in this institution – for instance, through the Security Council
meeting that I will chair tomorrow on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, and
through the issues that I will discuss today.
This is what we have done. But this is just a beginning. Some of our actions have yielded
progress. Some have laid the groundwork for progress in the future. But make no
mistake: this cannot be solely America’s endeavor. Those who used to chastise America
for acting alone in the world cannot now stand by and wait for America to solve the
world’s problems alone. We have sought – in word and deed – a new era of engagement
with the world. Now is the time for all of us to take our share of responsibility for a
global response to global challenges.
If we are honest with ourselves, we need to admit that we are not living up to that
responsibility. Consider the course that we are on if we fail to confront the status quo.
Extremists sowing terror in pockets of the world. Protracted conflicts that grind on and
on. Genocide and mass atrocities. More and more nations with nuclear weapons. Melting
ice caps and ravaged populations. Persistent poverty and pandemic disease. I say this not
to sow fear, but to state a fact: the magnitude of our challenges has yet to be met by the
measure of our action.
This body was founded on the belief that the nations of the world could solve their
problems together. Franklin Roosevelt, who died before he could see his vision for this
institution become a reality, put it this way – and I quote: “The structure of world peace
cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one Nation…. It cannot be a peace of
large nations – or of small nations. It must be a peace which rests on the cooperative
effort of the whole world.”
The cooperative effort of the whole world. Those words ring even more true today, when
it is not simply peace – but our very health and prosperity that we hold in common. Yet I
also know that this body is made up of sovereign states. And sadly, but not surprisingly,
this body has often become a forum for sowing discord instead of forging common
ground; a venue for playing politics and exploiting grievances rather than solving
problems. After all, it is easy to walk up to this podium and to point fingers and stoke
division. Nothing is easier than blaming others for our troubles, and absolving ourselves
of responsibility for our choices and our actions. Anyone can do that.
Responsibility and leadership in the 21st century demand more. In an era when our
destiny is shared, power is no longer a zero sum game. No one nation can or should try to
dominate another nation. No world order that elevates one nation or group of people over
another will succeed. No balance of power among nations will hold. The traditional
division between nations of the south and north makes no sense in an interconnected
world. Nor do alignments of nations rooted in the cleavages of a long gone Cold War.
The time has come to realize that the old habits and arguments are irrelevant to the
challenges faced by our people. They lead nations to act in opposition to the very goals
that they claim to pursue, and to vote – often in this body – against the interests of their
own people. They build up walls between us and the future that our people seek, and the
time has come for those walls to come down. Together, we must build new coalitions that
bridge old divides – coalitions of different faiths and creeds; of north and south, east and
west; black, white, and brown.
The choice is ours. We can be remembered as a generation that chose to drag the
arguments of the 20th century into the 21st; that put off hard choices, refused to look
ahead, and failed to keep pace because we defined ourselves by what we were against
instead of what we were for. Or, we can be a generation that chooses to see the shoreline
beyond the rough waters ahead; that comes together to serve the common interests of
human beings, and finally gives meaning to the promise embedded in the name given to
this institution: the United Nations.
That is the future America wants – a future of peace and prosperity that we can only
reach if we recognize that all nations have rights, but all nations have responsibilities as
well. That is the bargain that makes this work. That must be the guiding principle of
international cooperation.
Today, I put forward four pillars that are fundamental to the future that we want for our
children: non-proliferation and disarmament; the promotion of peace and security; the
preservation of our planet; and a global economy that advances opportunity for all
people.
First, we must stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and seek the goal of a world without
them.
This institution was founded at the dawn of the atomic age, in part because man’s
capacity to kill had to be contained. For decades, we averted disaster, even under the
shadow of a super-power stand-off. But today, the threat of proliferation is growing in
scope and complexity. If we fail to act, we will invite nuclear arms races in every region,
and the prospect of wars and acts of terror on a scale that we can hardly imagine.
A fragile consensus stands in the way of this frightening outcome – the basic bargain that
shapes the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty. It says that all nations have the right to
peaceful nuclear energy; that nations with nuclear weapons have the responsibility to
move toward disarmament; and those without them have the responsibility to forsake
them. The next twelve months could be pivotal in determining whether this compact will
be strengthened or will slowly dissolve.
America will keep our end of the bargain. We will pursue a new agreement with Russia
to substantially reduce our strategic warheads and launchers. We will move forward with
ratification of the Test Ban Treaty, and work with others to bring the Treaty into force so
that nuclear testing is permanently prohibited. We will complete a Nuclear Posture
Review that opens the door to deeper cuts, and reduces the role of nuclear weapons. And
we will call upon countries to begin negotiations in January on a treaty to end the
production of fissile material for weapons.
I will also host a Summit next April that reaffirms each nation’s responsibility to secure
nuclear material on its territory, and to help those who can’t – because we must never
allow a single nuclear device to fall into the hands of a violent extremist. And we will
work to strengthen the institutions and initiatives that combat nuclear smuggling and
theft.
All of this must support efforts to strengthen the NPT. Those nations that refuse to live up
to their obligations must face consequences. This is not about singling out individual
nations – it is about standing up for the rights of all nations that do live up to their
responsibilities. Because a world in which IAEA inspections are avoided and the United
Nation’s demands are ignored will leave all people less safe, and all nations less secure.
In their actions to date, the governments of North Korea and Iran threaten to take us
down this dangerous slope. We respect their rights as members of the community of
nations. I am committed to diplomacy that opens a path to greater prosperity and a more
secure peace for both nations if they live up to their obligations.
But if the governments of Iran and North Korea choose to ignore international standards;
if they put the pursuit of nuclear weapons ahead of regional stability and the security and
opportunity of their own people; if they are oblivious to the dangers of escalating nuclear
arms races in both East Asia and the Middle East – then they must be held accountable.
The world must stand together to demonstrate that international law is not an empty
promise, and that Treaties will be enforced. We must insist that the future not belong to
fear.
That brings me to the second pillar for our future: the pursuit of peace.
The United Nations was born of the belief that the people of the world can live their lives,
raise their families, and resolve their differences peacefully. And yet we know that in too
many parts of the world, this ideal remains an abstraction. We can either accept that
outcome as inevitable, and tolerate constant and crippling conflict. Or we can recognize
that the yearning for peace is universal, and reassert our resolve to end conflicts around
the world.
That effort must begin with an unshakeable determination that the murder of innocent
men, women and children will never be tolerated. On this, there can be no dispute. The
violent extremists who promote conflict by distorting faith have discredited and isolated
themselves. They offer nothing but hatred and destruction. In confronting them, America
will forge lasting partnerships to target terrorists, share intelligence, coordinate law
enforcement, and protect our people. We will permit no safe-haven for al Qaeda to launch
attacks from Afghanistan or any other nation. We will stand by our friends on the front
lines, as we and many nations will do in pledging support for the Pakistani people
tomorrow. And we will pursue positive engagement that builds bridges among faiths, and
new partnerships for opportunity.
But our efforts to promote peace cannot be limited to defeating violent extremists. For the
most powerful weapon in our arsenal is the hope of human beings – the belief that the
future belongs to those who build, not destroy; the confidence that conflicts can end, and
a new day begin.
That is why we will strengthen our support for effective peacekeeping, while energizing
our efforts to prevent conflicts before they take hold. We will pursue a lasting peace in
Sudan through support for the people of Darfur, and the implementation of the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement, so that we secure the peace that the Sudanese people
deserve. And in countries ravaged by violence – from Haiti to Congo to East Timor – we
will work with the UN and other partners to support an enduring peace.
I will also continue to seek a just and lasting peace between Israel, Palestine, and the
Arab world. Yesterday, I had a constructive meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu and
President Abbas. We have made some progress. Palestinians have strengthened their
efforts on security. Israelis have facilitated greater freedom of movement for the
Palestinians. As a result of these efforts by both sides, the economy in the West Bank has
begun to grow. But more progress is needed. We continue to call on Palestinians to end
incitement against Israel, and we continue to emphasize that America does not accept the
legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.
The time has come to re-launch negotiations – without preconditions – that address the
permanent-status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians; borders, refugees and
Jerusalem. The goal is clear: two states living side by side in peace and security – a
Jewish State of Israel, with true security for all Israelis; and a viable, independent
Palestinian state with contiguous territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967,
and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people. As we pursue this goal, we will also
pursue peace between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between
Israel and its many neighbors. In pursuit of that goal, we will develop regional initiatives
with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations.
I am not naïve. I know this will be difficult. But all of us must decide whether we are
serious about peace, or whether we only lend it lip-service. To break the old patterns – to
break the cycle of insecurity and despair – all of us must say publicly what we would
acknowledge in private. The United States does Israel no favors when we fail to couple
an unwavering commitment to its security with an insistence that Israel respect the
legitimate claims and rights of the Palestinians. And nations within this body do the
Palestinians no favors when they choose vitriolic attacks over a constructive willingness
to recognize Israel’s legitimacy, and its right to exist in peace and security.
We must remember that the greatest price of this conflict is not paid by us. It is paid by
the Israeli girl in Sderot who closes her eyes in fear that a rocket will take her life in the
night. It is paid by the Palestinian boy in Gaza who has no clean water and no country to
call his own. These are God’s children. And after all of the politics and all of the
posturing, this is about the right of every human being to live with dignity and security.
That is a lesson embedded in the three great faiths that call one small slice of Earth the
Holy Land. And that is why – even though there will be setbacks, and false starts, and
tough days – I will not waiver in my pursuit of peace.
Third, we must recognize that in the 21st century, there will be no peace unless we make
take responsibility for the preservation of our planet.
The danger posed by climate change cannot be denied, and our responsibility to meet it
must not be deferred. If we continue down our current course, every member of this
Assembly will see irreversible changes within their borders. Our efforts to end conflicts
will be eclipsed by wars over refugees and resources. Development will be devastated by
drought and famine. Land that human beings have lived on for millennia will disappear.
Future generations will look back and wonder why we refused to act – why we failed to
pass on intact the environment that was our inheritance.
That is why the days when America dragged its feet on this issue are over. We will move
forward with investments to transform our energy economy, while providing incentives
to make clean energy the profitable kind of energy. We will press ahead with deep cuts in
emissions to reach the goals that we set for 2020, and eventually 2050. We will continue
to promote renewable energy and efficiency – and share new technologies – with
countries around the world. And we will seize every opportunity for progress to address
this threat in a cooperative effort with the whole world.
Those wealthy nations that did so much to damage the environment in the 20th century
must accept our obligation to lead. But responsibility does not end there. While we must
acknowledge the need for differentiated responses, any effort to curb carbon emissions
must include the fast-growing carbon emitters who can do more to reduce their air
pollution without inhibiting growth. And any effort that fails to help the poorest nations
both adapt to the problems that climate change has already wrought – and travel a path of
clean development – will not work.
It is hard to change something as fundamental as how we use energy. It’s even harder to
do so in the midst of a global recession. Certainly, it will be tempting to sit back and wait
for others to move first. But we cannot make this journey unless we all move forward
together. As we head into Copenhagen, let us resolve to focus on what each of us can do
for the sake of our common future.
This leads me to the final pillar that must fortify our future: a global economy that
advances opportunity for all people.
The world is still recovering from the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.
In America, we see the engine of growth beginning to churn, yet many still struggle to
find a job or pay their bills. Across the globe, we find promising signs, yet little certainty
about what lies ahead. And far too many people in far too many places live through the
daily crises that challenge our common humanity – the despair of an empty stomach; the
thirst brought on by dwindling water; the injustice of a child dying from a treatable
disease, or a mother losing her life as she gives birth.
In Pittsburgh, we will work with the world’s largest economies to chart a course for
growth that is balanced and sustained. That means vigilance to ensure that we do not let
up until our people are back to work. That means taking steps to rekindle demand, so that
a global recovery can be sustained. And that means setting new rules of the road and
strengthening regulation for all financial centers, so that we put an end to the greed,
excess and abuse that led us into disaster, and prevent a crisis like this from ever
happening again.
At a time of such interdependence, we have a moral and pragmatic interest in broader
questions of development. And so we will continue our historic effort to help people feed
themselves. We have set aside $63 billion to carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS;
to end deaths from tuberculosis and malaria; to eradicate polio; and to strengthen public
health systems. We are joining with other countries to contribute H1N1 vaccines to the
World Health Organization. We will integrate more economies into a system of global
trade. We will support the Millennium Development Goals, and approach next year’s
Summit with a global plan to make them a reality. And we will set our sights on the
eradication of extreme poverty in our time.
Now is the time for all of us to do our part. Growth will not be sustained or shared unless
all nations embrace their responsibility. Wealthy nations must open their markets to more
goods and extend a hand to those with less, while reforming international institutions to
give more nations a greater voice. Developing nations must root out the corruption that is
an obstacle to progress – for opportunity cannot thrive where individuals are oppressed
and business have to pay bribes. That’s why we will support honest police and
independent judges; civil society and a vibrant private sector. Our goal is simple: a global
economy in which growth is sustained, and opportunity is available to all.
The changes that I have spoken about today will not be easy to make. And they will not
be realized simply by leaders like us coming together in forums like this. For as in any
assembly of members, real change can only come through the people we represent. That
is why we must do the hard work to lay the groundwork for progress in our own capitals.
That is where we will build the consensus to end conflicts and to harness technology for
peaceful purposes; to change the way we use energy, and to promote growth that can be
sustained and shared.
I believe that the people of the world want this future for their children. And that is why
we must champion those principles which ensure that governments reflect the will of the
people. These principles cannot be afterthoughts – democracy and human rights are
essential to achieving each of the goals that I have discussed today. Because governments
of the people and by the people are more likely to act in the broader interests of their own
people, rather than the narrow interest of those in power.
The test of our leadership will not be the degree to which we feed the fears and old
hatreds of our people. True leadership will not be measured by the ability to muzzle
dissent, or to intimidate and harass political opponents at home. The people of the world
want change. They will not long tolerate those who are on the wrong side of history.
This Assembly’s Charter commits each of us, and I quote – “to reaffirm faith in
fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal
rights of men and women.” Among those rights is the freedom to speak your mind and
worship as you please; the promise of equality of the races, and the opportunity for
women and girls to pursue their own potential; the ability of citizens to have a say in how
you are governed, and to have confidence in the administration of justice. For just as no
nation should be forced to accept the tyranny of another nation, no individual should be
forced to accept the tyranny of their own government.
As an African-American, I will never forget that I would not be here today without the
steady pursuit of a more perfect union in my country. That guides my belief that no
matter how dark the day may seem, transformative change can be forged by those who
choose the side of justice. And I pledge that America will always stand with those who
stand up for their dignity and their rights – for the student who seeks to learn; the voter
who demands to be heard; the innocent who longs to be free; and the oppressed who
yearns to be equal.
Democracy cannot be imposed on any nation from the outside. Each society must search
for its own path, and no path is perfect. Each country will pursue a path rooted in the
culture of its people, and – in the past – America has too often been selective in its
promotion of democracy. But that does not weaken our commitment, it only reinforces it.
There are basic principles that are universal; there are certain truths which are self evident
– and the United States of America will never waiver in our efforts to stand up for the
right of people everywhere to determine their own destiny.
Sixty-five years ago, a weary Franklin Roosevelt spoke to the American people in his
fourth and final inaugural address. After years of war, he sought to sum up the lessons
that could be drawn from the terrible suffering and enormous sacrifice that had taken
place. “We have learned,” he said, “to be citizens of the world, members of the human
community.”
The United Nations was built by men and women like Roosevelt from every corner of the
world – from Africa and Asia; form Europe to the Americas. These architects of
international cooperation had an idealism that was anything but naïve – it was rooted in
the hard-earned lessons of war, and the wisdom that nations could advance their interests
by acting together instead of splitting apart.
Now it falls to us – for this institution will be what we make of it. The United Nations
does extraordinary good around the world in feeding the hungry, caring for the sick, and
mending places that have been broken. But it also struggles to enforce its will, and to live
up to the ideals of its founding.
I believe that those imperfections are not a reason to walk away from this institution –
they are a calling to redouble our efforts. The United Nations can either be a place where
we bicker about outdated grievances, or forge common ground; a place where we focus
on what drives us apart, or what brings us together; a place where we indulge tyranny, or
a source of moral authority. In short, the United Nations can be an institution that is
disconnected from what matters in the lives of our citizens, or it can be indispensable in
advancing the interests of the people we serve.
We have reached a pivotal moment. The United States stands ready to begin a new
chapter of international cooperation – one that recognizes the rights and responsibilities
of all nations. With confidence in our cause, and with a commitment to our values, we
call on all nations to join us in building the future that our people deserve. Thank you.